Allegiance to a Con Man

Since I wrote “The Trump Syndrome,” which dealt primarily with the reason Donald Trump was elected president, I’ve been thinking about why he is still attractive to so many Americans after nearly four years of utter incompetence and cruelty. Though I believe he will be defeated in his bid for a second term, he will still receive millions of votes. Only a small portion of those votes will be cast by unregenerate white nationalists and neo-Nazis. What motivates the millions of other decent, hard-working Americans who are willing to overlook Trump’s outrages and want him to serve another four years in office?

Political life is complex. Throughout history it has taken many forms, from communal societies to slave states to royal rule to autocracies and, thankfully, to democracies. But while this progression has been bloody, it has also become less barbaric and has moved toward greater equality. Unfortunately, there’s still a long way to go before “the pursuit of happiness” reaches its ideal in a world of peace, justice and brotherhood.

But the complexity in politics is an outgrowth of the complexities in the lives of the people within and between the nations of the world. Human and societal imperfections have resulted in different viewpoints of the same phenomena. Thus the development of various political structures in each country. In the U.S. we have a Constitution, which lays out basic principles for the establishment of what Benjamin Franklin rightly called a republic. Although that document did not mandate a two-party system entrusted to function on the basis of those principles, different views by our legislators resulted in the establishment of the Republican and Democratic parties. While the political winds have resulted in the birth of other parties, these two are still dominant in our political landscape. And those winds have reversed their characters 180 degrees: the Republicans, once the party of Abraham Lincoln, has become conservative, while the Democrats, once the party of slave-owners, has become, as its name applies, democratic (small d).

As to the views of “We the People,” our attitudes are influenced by various factors: upbringing, conditions, occupations, relationships — and, not least, the media and the politicians. To complicate the picture, there are also psychological aspects as to why we think the way we do. Not being a psychologist myself, I can’t analyze it. But when a woman attending a Trump rally is told by an interviewer that most of what he said was untrue, and her response is, “I know, but he’ll get things done,” I’m sure that something beyond objective reasoning is at work in her mind. Perhaps it is a need that compels her to ignore reality in the hope that this blusterer will somehow fulfill that need.

In his book “What’s the Matter With Kansas?”, Thomas Frank delves into the contradiction of voters who consistently vote against their self-interest. He details the factors involved, and it’s not a pretty picture. The Kansans, he says, have repeatedly been hoodwinked by populist rhetoric, much like the feel-good lies we’ve been deluged with from Donald Trump.

 I also believe that the explosion of imagery into our lives with the advent of television is a factor in coloring our political perspective. Most notably we remember the very first presidential debate between Sen. John F. Kennedy and Vice President Richard Nixon. Much emphasis in the analysis afterward focused on Kennedy’s good looks and his calm demeanor, while Nixon was sweating and had a five o’clock shadow. These should not have made a difference in our estimates of the political capabilities of the two men, but they did. Ask anyone who works in advertising about the importance of imagery in the art of persuasion.

As I said, I can’t explain why some people view an established liar and fraud as their savior, while vilifying a candidate who makes sense and is obviously a decent person. My only hope is that — as the polls now indicate — Joe Biden, the decent if not perfect candidate, who has presented plans to improve conditions for the mass of Americans in this pandemic-ridden society, is elected on Nov. 3.

How To Be Old

It’s not a great revelation to say it’s not easy being old. The hardships, mostly physical, mount by the day. But you can do one of two things as age creeps up on you: deal with it or let it deal with you. To put it another way, old age is going to come no matter what you do, but there are ways you can soften the blows.

As for that popular phrase “The Golden Years,” the more appropriate metallic metaphor would be lead. So you have to do what you’ve done all your life: the best you can. And that starts with attitude.

I’m not suggesting that you deny what the years are doing to you; they have always had the last word. But if you simply bemoan your plight, and let the inevitable shadow of age envelop you without bringing some sunshine into it, you’ll not only grow old you’ll grow miserably old. When Mother Nature gave us a heart, lungs and a brain, she said, “Okay, here are your tools. Now go ahead and use them to build something, not for just a few robust years, but as long as they’re in your body.”

So as your body loses its vitality, and your brain goes a bit haywire, you have to compensate for decline in the following simple but effective ways.

1.  Read a book – Most older people’s intake of the outside world is TV. That’s okay, but a lot of it is better at putting your backside to sleep than stimulating your brain. Game shows and commercials predominate. A good sitcom, such as “Everybody Loves Raymond,” is fine, but that’s the exception. A book reveals the intricacies of its characters, their relationships and foibles. It can get you to think thoughts you never thought of — even though that thing between your ears is not what it used to be. So don’t give up TV, but take a book off the shelf once in a while.

2.  Get a Hobby – Needlepoint, jigsaw puzzles, crosswords, whatever. They’re very popular with people of all ages. If you don’t try any you’re missing out on a brain stimulation method every gerontologist advocates.

3.  Exercise – No, I don’t mean entering the Marathon. And you don’t have to go to a gym or hire a trainer. Simple stuff: stretching your arms out, holding on to the back of a chair and lifting your legs one a time, maybe ten times for each if you can, bending over and back several times. If it’s not disabling for you, walk around the block once a day.

4.  Interact – Television can’t hold a candle to the boost you get when you gather with friends and relatives. Regular card games, maybe. Dish the dirt with Harriet, or Tom, or Gertrude, whoever. Your relatives are far away? I hope they telephone you regularly. But if they don’t, call them and give them what for — lovingly, of course.

As for your inner body — diet and ailments — I can’t advise you about those. You and your doctor are already dealing with the intricacies of that factory inside you. But the things I have suggested can make your older years more tolerable — and, most important, more enjoyable.

 Trump’s Base

I’ve been thinking about “Trump’s Base.” The rallies he’s been holding have been shocking shows of recklessness. Why do so many people care more about this charlatan than about their own well-being? It would be comprehensible if the danger were not so manifest. Is it possible that they put more faith in Trump’s bluster about the virus going away than they do about the mounting death toll that dominates the news?

If there is anything you can see with a sense of disbelief it is the sight of these thousands jamming together — most without masks — cheering a weakling who pretends to be Superman. What’s most frightening about this phenomenon is the frame of mind of the thousands at these rallies — not to mention the millions who will be voting for Trump — regardless of whether he wins or loses. These Americans — which include a sizeable number of armed white nationalists — constitute a disquieting danger.

We have just witnessed a shocking manifestation of this danger with the plot to kidnap, and possibly murder, Gretchen Whitmer, the governor of Michigan. The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) — Keeper of the Flame, so to speak, in documenting the actions of white nationalist, anti-Semitic and neo-Nazi groups throughout the country — reveals their great extent coast to coast. Donald Trump’s presidency has emboldened these groups. When he leaves office — albeit kicking and screaming — these groups, and the general pro-Trump mentality of thousands of Americans — as witnessed by his mass rallies despite the dangers — will remain.

Hopefully, the sanity of leadership by Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, will overcome the damage and lingering danger to Americans and to democracy itself. It will take effort, not by the Biden administration alone, but by all of us, to eradicate the virus of hate that existed before Covid-19 and was exacerbated by a self-centered psychotic who doesn’t give a damn about anyone — including those labeled “Trump’s Base.”

 The Vestiges of Hatred

We cannot change history, but we can change the way we deal with it. We can write about it, talk about it, or memorialize it. In every case, our dealings with history change as time passes. An event is an event, but consideration of it years later can swing greatly.

The vast majority of monuments are honorary. The confederate statues honor Robert E. Lee, Jefferson Davis, and a number of other defenders of a slave-driven economy. Should they be honored? Perhaps this comparison is a bit off the wall, but, to make my point, would we welcome a statue of Adolf Hitler in the middle of Central Park? The confederates given statues, and those with army bases and schools named for them, were trying to maintain slavery. Not honorable by any measure.

While confederate flags have been removed from state buildings, it’s troubling to see the stars on cross-bars still being waved by white nationalist groups — not only in the South, but the North as well.

Removing the symbolic vestiges of that most tragic time in our history is important. But dealing with those who still espouse it, as well as with those espousing other forms of religious and national hatreds, is critical. 

An Outrageous President

 

 

I’ll begin this brief take on Bob Woodward’s book “RAGE” with the last sentence of his epilogue: “When his performance as president is taken in its entirety, I can only reach one conclusion: Trump is the wrong man for the job.”

His word “wrong” is wrong. But I don’t think there’s a single adjective that would be right. Saying Trump is wrong is like saying Willie Sutton was wrong to rob banks. It’s true, of course, but “wrong” is inadequate both for Sutton and for Trump.

The extensive quotations in the book — all recorded with Trump’s approval during 17 interviews — reveal a man who is incoherent, paranoid, vengeful, contradictory and deceitful. I guess you could say he really is the wrong man for the job.

Most of those adjectives we’ve already experienced during Trump’s nearly four years in office, but the odd thing about him that we never saw was his attitude toward Woodward and the book he was going to write. Trump knew it wasn’t going to be positive, but he not only welcomed Woodward into the Oval Office, with the recorder on the desk between them, he called Woodward at home many times during all hours of the day, and talked incessantly! And this after Woodward had written an earlier book about him, “FEAR,” which he reviled!

The book gave me the impression that Trump considered Woodward an alternative to a psychiatrist. All his character flaws were poured out during those interviews. And the other thing that became clear — although I had suspected it before I read the book — that despite his stated negativity toward the media, with its “Fake news,” he has a love-hate relationship with it. It reminded me of that comment, “There’s no such thing as bad publicity.” He knows that the more he vilifies the media the more they’ll cover him. His narcissism is of such a degree that only his name and his face matter, however negative the words printed or spoken.

As bad and dangerous a president as Trump is, the unwavering support he receives from white supremacist, neo-Nazi groups, and the misguided support he gets from good people, are most frightening.

I hope he recovers from the coronavirus he contracted — most likely out of carelessness related to his politically-motivated cavalier attitude toward it. But comes Nov. 3, assuming he doesn’t succumb to the virus, he must be defeated at the polls. Typically, he will call the results fraudulent. But, as I said in a previous blog, the margin of his defeat must be wide enough so that he will lose the aid he would need to subvert the results.  

 

The Trump Syndrome

Years ago I read a short story about Napoleon, “The Curfew Tolls,” by Stephen Vincent Benét. Its theme was that Napoleon’s fate would have been different had he been born fifty years before his actual birth. In Benét’s story, Napoleon is a major of artillery who dreams of greatness, but the times were not ripe for his true fate, and he dies young without having achieved renown or power.

Today we have the spectacle of Donald Trump as president of the United States, despite his 2016 campaign platform of arrogance, racism, lies and insults instead of rational argument.

Why then was he elected? The answer lies in the moment: We were stuck in militarily-engagement in the Middle East; the threat of “terrorism” dominated our political discourse; a widening economic disparity infected a recovering economy. It was a moment when a bellicose bully outside the so-called “political establishment” could insert himself into the political process and be embraced by a sizeable swath of the population — the vast majority of whom, against their own self-interests, were white male members of the working class.

You hear the pundits say that Donald Trump has captured the Republican Party. Not so. The Republicans were on the road to Trumpism years before he stepped into the ring. The keynote to their sharp right turn was the statement by Mitch McConnell during the early days of Barak Obama’s administration. He said openly and before microphones that the Republicans will do everything possible to prevent Obama from serving a second term.

And so we were saddled with the emergence of the Tea Party and the House’s Freedom Caucus, and the Congressional reign of obstructionism the likes of which we had never seen before. The resulting Republican-driven stalemates in Congress soured segments of the population on “Washington,” and provided a perfect moment for a Donald Trump to step in with his slogan “Make America Great Again.”

You may recall that in the 1930s there was another rabble-rouser who took advantage of his country’s political and economic instability, becoming its leader and leading it to military aggression and eventual devastation. He too had a slogan, similar to Trump’s: “Deutschland Uber Alles.”
Though the Republicans failed in their efforts to prevent Obama from winning a second term in office, they succeeded in blocking many of the reforms his administration put forward. His most notable achievement, the Affordable Care Act, muscled through because the Democrats held a majority in the Senate during his first two years. But the obstructionism of Newt Gingrich in the House and McConnell in the Senate took their toll during Obama’s tenure as president.

As with that Benet story, conditions have to be ripe for notable or notorious events to occur. Trump’s election may have been aided by the Russians, and by Hillary Clinton’s missing emails, but his unlikely nomination over those of “establishment” politicians came about because his bombast suited the mood of Republican voters who were tired of the roadblock in Congress. Why not give this guy with the funny hair a shot. And so they did.

I suspect that Trump’s nomination and election came not only as a surprise to McConnell and company, but they were fearful that he appeared to be a loose cannon, coarse and vulgar, and perhaps not manipulable enough to be in the forefront of their right-wing agenda. But they quickly learned that feeding his ego, despite his craziness (“Mexico will pay for the wall,” “Keep out all Muslims”), would go a long way toward helping them do their dirty work. As for the frequent accusation that the Senate Republicans lack spine, the accusers have the wrong part of the human anatomy. They lack the thing that beats in the chest.

What the Republicans and their titular leader didn’t count on was a virus with no political agenda. Its only aim was to infect and kill as much of the world’s population as possible. More than any other cause for President Trump’s unraveling, and for his incompetence and deceit to be felt and witnessed, it was Covid-19.

The election is only weeks away. The damage Trump and his willing enablers in Congress have done is enormous — domestically and internationally. When Trump is defeated — and, hopefully, the Senate is once again led by Democrats — it will take time and effort to rectify most aspects of that damage. Unfortunately, we will still be faced with the viral scourge that at this writing has taken over 200,000 American lives, many of those because of a president who chose political expedience over public safety.